Godfatherism and Cabalism: The destructive monsters in Nigerian politics
BY Otaru Jimbiyat Adams
As we progress through the 21st century, two poisonous venoms have been spotted, cancerating the cell of democracy, destabilising the activity of governance and worsening the economic cum political status of every state, Nigeria inclusive.
Godfatherism and cabalism are epidemics firmly attached to the organ of our society and affecting the growth of Nigeria’s democracy. They are pervasive in every tier of government, and their pervasiveness is due to their ability to penetrate into every nook and cranny of the nation; thereby causing dilemma in the political arena of the country.
Governor Chimaroke Nnamani who had a running battle with his godfather for many years viewed godfatherism as a situation whereby “an impervious guardian figure who provided the lifeline and direction to the godson, perceived to live a life of total submission, subservience and protection of the oracular personality located in the large, material frame of opulence, affluence and decisiveness…”
Meanwhile, cabalism system of government implies the control and manipulation of government policies by secretive or faceless group of people with heavy mystical power.
Indeed! Both cabalism and godfatherism have the same things in common. They both vandalize and criminalise the democratic structure of a state. However, both differ in their processes and emergences. Unlike Godfatherism which usually occurs because of the financial stringency of a contender or his unpopularity, cabalism often occurs as a result of the incapacitation of an incumbent office holder in government. Such shortcoming always comes as a result of poor health challenge or other critical issues affecting the person.
Historically, godfatherism was championed into Nigeria in 1950s by the nationalists. This was very easy for them Since, they constituted the most educated and first citizens that could have a direct contact with the European. The second republic politicians inherited these traits as they automatically became the godsons of these past politicians.
During this time, godfatherism became obvious as contenders heavily increased the uses of their godfathers’ images and banners in any political campaign.
Interestingly, this concept has a solid chair in Nigeria’s democracy in the third republic, particularly, when Ibrahim Babangida banned the “old breed” politicians and requested for new faces. Thus, the forced retired politicians became godfathers for the new contenders vying for political offices. However, all these can just be regarded as a preamble of godfatherism in Nigeria politics as the fourth republic elections are mainly based on godfatherism.
An example of this is Governor Mallam Kachallah of Borno state and his godfather, Senator Ali Modu Sherriff. Certainly, the conflict that occurred between the aristocratic power broker, chief Lamidi Adedibu and his godson, Rashid Ladoja would also fit this situation very well.
Similarly, the cabalistic politics began in Nigeria as early as 1960s when it was alleged that it was not the prime minister that was in total control of governmental policy rather some cabals headed by the northern premier. Moreover, cabalism gained more ground in the second republic when it was lucid that some people like Alhaji Umaru Dikko, and others were indirectly influencing presidential policy.
However, all the aforementioned republics are incomparable to the fourth republic when relating the effectiveness of cabals. All the elected presidents under this republic have been indirectly controlled by cabals with an exemption of Obasanjo. The apex of them is the administration of Buhari, his administration went far to the extent that Aisha Buhari, in 2016, during an interview with BBC Hausa said: “The president does not know 45 out of the 50 people he appointed to political positions; neither do I know them despite being his wife for 27 years. His government has been hijacked by a cabal who are behind presidential appointments”
An event that will corroborate this stance is the case of Alhaji Abdullahi Abdul Rasheed Maina who was dismissed from office in 2013 because of his misappropriating of one hundred billion naira. Interestingly, Maina fled out of the country in order to escape the apprehension and prosecution of the EFCC. He came back in 2017, got back his job, got promotion to the rank of director and even got back all his salary arrears from 2013. Funnily enough, all these were done without the former president knowledge. He only knew about his reinstatement through the media.
Furthermore, when taking a closed observation on this, one will see that the former president does not intentionally decide to give the cabals a flexible room in his administration. Rather, they have that opportunity because of his falling health. The same reason the cabals inside the late president Umaru Musa Yaradua had sound influence in his policy making.
The effect of these two monsters on the life of common citizens is enormous. As godfatherism is an enemy of meritocracy and friend of elitism, it let common citizens lose trust in political participation. It also obstructs the economic and political development of the nation. This is due to the influence of the godfather that mandates the godson to prioritise satisfying him at the expense of the citizens. The godson believes, lives and dies for his godfather. All his programs tally with his ideology, otherwise, he bears the consequences. A good instance of this is the social unrest that happened in Anambra when Ngige decided not to appoint all the lists given to him by his godfather.
For cabalism, the policies that will be made for more than two hundred million people will only be decided by the minority cabals in the villa. Thus, major policies that will enhance the positive life of the people will not be prioritized.
Decision making on critical and sensitive issues will take longer time especially if it affects the cabals. They can even use the president’s name to signed a deranged appointment and even sign any project that the president might not have signed then also leading to favoritism.
Conclusively, these two poisonous venoms in democracy is a bane in our politics. it denies citizens from enjoying the basic palatable nutrients of a democratic state. So, all hands must be on desk to curb them out.
Otaru Jimbiyat Adams, is a student of Mass Communication at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.
